Republicando vídeo da RT. Fatos da semana no Brasil.

 Só seguir o NY Times - como viver no Brasil midiota.

2 - O Irão na nossa vida

 

Deu no New York Times, 25-04

Informação bate com o Thierry Meissan (voltairenet.org). O Irã tem no governo dois centros de decisão: a Guarda Revolucionária e a estrutura governamental do governo secular. Khamenei é o líder Supremo, o "poder moderador", que se seguiu a derrubada do Xá Reza Pahlevi e ao fim do privilégio de nascença da linhagem, sua dinastia.

Ainda, em intertexto com o texto para internet do autor Carlos Nougué "Se o Deus do Islã tem algo em comum com o Deus cristão", sabe-se que o Islam em geral se ordena por duas verdades, as verdades filosóficas e as verdades reveladas.

Em uma esforço de intepretação, viria daí o fundamento da república islâmica, movimento que deriva da retomada do poder pelo povo do Irã com a orientação do movimento dos "non aligné" durante a guerra fria. No ocaso da monarquia do Xá Reza Pahlevi, a população sendo sujeita ao governo privado de Rockefeller, foi uma das melhores opções, no entanto a política não deixa de estar ainda entre les murs e notícias como essa são alvissareiras.

 

By Farnaz Fassihi

Published April 25, 2021

Updated April 26, 2021, 12:48 a.m. ET

In a leaked audiotape that offers a

glimpse into the behind-the scenes power

struggles of Iranian leaders, Foreign

Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif said the

Revolutionary Guards Corps call the shots,

overruling many government decisions and

ignoring advice.

In one extraordinary moment on the tape

that surfaced Sunday, Mr. Zarif departed

from the reverential official line on Maj.

Gen. Qassim Suleimani, the commander of

the Guards’ elite Quds Force, the

foreign-facing arm of Iran’s security

apparatus, who was killed by the United

States in January 2020.

The general, Mr. Zarif said, undermined

him at many steps, working with Russia to

sabotage the nuclear deal between Iran and

world powers and adopting policies toward

Syria’s long war that damaged Iran’s

interests.

“In the Islamic Republic the military

field rules,” Mr. Zarif said in a three-

hour taped conversation that was a part of

an oral history project documenting the

work of the current administration. “I

have sacrificed diplomacy for the military

field rather than the field servicing

diplomacy.”

The audio was leaked at a critical moment

for Iran, as the country is discussing the

framework for a possible return to a

nuclear deal with the United States and

other Western powers. Talks through

intermediaries have been taking place in

Vienna.

It is unclear what effect, if any, the

revelations will have on those talks, or

on Mr. Zarif’s position.

The recording, of a conversation in March

between Mr. Zarif and an economist named

Saeed Leylaz, an ally, was not meant for

publication, as the foreign minister can

repeatedly be heard saying on the audio. A

copy was leaked to the London-based

Persian news channel Iran International,

which first reported on the recording and

shared it with The New York Times.

On it, Mr. Zarif confirms what many have

long suspected: that his role as the

representative of the Islamic Republic on

the world stage is severely constricted.

Decisions, he said, are dictated by the

supreme leader or, frequently, the

Revolutionary Guards Corps.

Iran’s foreign ministry did not dispute

the authenticity of the recording but

questioned the motive for the leak. Saeed

Khatibzadeh, a spokesman for the ministry,

called it “unethical politics” and said

the portion of the audio released did not

represent the full scope of Mr. Zarif’s

comments about his respect and love for

General Suleimani.

In the portions that were leaked, Mr.

Zarif does praise the general and says

they worked productively together in the

prelude to the U.S. invasions of

Afghanistan and Iraq. He also says that by

assassinating him in Iraq, the United

States delivered a major blow to Iran,

more damaging than if it had wiped out an

entire city in an attack.

But he said some of Mr. Suleimani’s

actions also damaged the country, citing,

as one example, his moves against the

nuclear deal Iran reached in 2015 with

Western nations, the United States among

them (the Trump administration later

renounced it).

Mr. Zarif said Russia did not want the

agreement to succeed and “put all its

weight” behind creating obstacles because

it was not in Moscow’s interests for Iran

to normalize relations with the West. To

that end, Mr. Zarif said, General

Suleimani traveled to Russia to “demolish

our achievement,” meaning the nuclear

deal.

Mr. Zarif took issue with General

Suleimani on other fronts, criticizing him

for allowing Russian warplanes to fly over

Iran to bomb Syria and for moving military

equipment and personnel to Syria on the

state-owned Iran Air airline without the

knowledge of the government and deploying

Iranian ground forces to Syria.

By Sunday night, Mr. Zarif’s critics were

calling for his resignation, saying he had

threatened Iran’s national security by

revealing to the world the country’s inner

politics. Even his supporters expressed

concern that the comments could influence

the presidential elections in late June

and harm candidates from the reform

faction, which Mr. Zarif is associated

with, by reinforcing voter apathy and the

idea that elected officials are not really

in charge.

The leak follows a series of security

breaches within Iran’s intelligence and

government circles that have been

implicated in two assassinations and two

explosions at the Natanz nuclear site. A

former vice president, Mohammad Ali

Abtahi, said that the publication of Mr.

Zarif’s audio was “tantamount to Israel

stealing the nuclear documents” from Iran.

Some analysts said the audio would

undermine Iranian diplomats’ authority at

a sensitive window of the negotiations.

“This ties the hands of the negotiators,”

said Sina Azodi, a nonresident fellow at

the Atlantic Council. “It represents Zarif

as someone who is not trustworthy

domestically, and overall paints a picture

that Iran’s foreign policy is dictated by

theater policies of the military and Zarif

is a nobody.”

Mr. Zarif acknowledged on the tape that

when it comes to negotiations, he is bound

not just by the directions of the supreme

leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, but by the

demands of the Guards. He said Mr.

Khamenei had recently “forcefully rebuked”

him for straying from the official line

when he said Iran was willing to work with

the United States to choreograph steps

toward returning to a deal.

“The structure of our foreign ministry is

mostly security oriented,” Mr. Zarif said.

Mr. Zarif said he was kept in the dark on

government actions — sometimes to his

embarrassment.

On the night that Iran decided to

retaliate against the United States for

the killing of General Suleimani, two Quds

Force commanders went to see the Iraqi

prime minister, Adel Abdul Mahdi, to

inform him that in about 45 minutes Iran

would be firing missiles at a military

base where U.S. troops were stationed, Mr.

Zarif said. The Americans knew about the

strike before he did.

Former Secretary of State John Kerry

informed him that Israel had attacked

Iranian interests in Syria at least 200

times, to his astonishment, Mr. Zarif

said.

He also pointed to the cover-up of the

Guards’ downing of a Ukrainian jetliner in

Iran that killed 176 on board on the

morning after Iran attacked the air base.

The Guards knew immediately that their

missiles had hit the plane, but only

admitted to it three days later.

Soon after the plane was brought down, Mr.

Zarif attended a small meeting of the

national security council with two top

military commanders, and said the world

was demanding an explanation. The

commanders, he said, attacked him and told

him to send out a tweet saying the news

was not true.

“I said, ‘If it was hit by a missile, tell

us so we can see how we can resolve it,’”

Mr. Zarif recalled. “God is my witness,

the way they reacted to me is as if I had

denied the existence of God.”

Farnaz Fassihi is a reporter for The New

York Times based in New York. Previously

she was a senior writer and war

correspondent for the Wall Street Journal

for 17 years based in the Middle East